Narratives of Changes in Life : Revisiting the "Family" in San Studies

親子のつながり-人類学における親族/家族研究再考 Parent-Child Relatedness: Rethinking Anthropological Approaches to Kinship and Family)本論文では、サン研究における家族・親族概念の位置づけを再考する。「伝統派」と呼ばれる初期の研究は、サンの1グループであるジュホアンを現代の狩猟採集民と位置づけ、彼らは家族的な結合に基づいたシンプルな形でその社会秩序を維持していると主張した。これに対して「見直し派」は、近隣諸民族を含めたより大きな政治経済的システムにジュホアンを位置づけ、その親族間の関係が土地への権利や交易のネットワークを支えていると論じた。ナミビア北中部のクン・サンはジュホアンとの地域比較に適している。本論では以下のライフストーリーの分析から、彼らのエスニシティと家族・親族関係の関わりを明らかにする。分析ではとくにクンやハイオム・サンの双系の氏のシステムと近隣の農牧民オバンボの母系のクラン・システムの関係に注目する。(1)クンの母親とオバンボの父親を持ちオバンボとして育った男性が、父親の死後はクンとして生活している。(2)ハイオムの両親を持つ男性がクンの女性と結婚し、クンのキャンプのヘッドマンとなっている。(3)クンの少女がオバンボのもとで里親養育を受けたが、第3子の妊娠を機にクンのキャンプに戻った。ナミビア北中部では、アパルトヘイト体制を進めた植民地政府の意図に反して、複数のエスニック・グループが協力関係を築いてきた。本論で例にあげた家族・親族関係は、そうしたグループ間の境界をつなぐ経路を提供するとともに移動先で新たな生活世界を構築する基盤となっている。エスニシティは慣習の束であり、人々はその場の相互行為で利用可能な資源や相手との関係の歴史を参照しつつどの慣習を採用するか決めている。これが一貫するためには、構造の持続性と連続性を備えた相互行為の場が必要である。以上からクンが住む地域社会を理解するためには、伝統派とも見直し派とも異なり「他者」との関係を包含する理論枠組みから家族・親族をとらえる必要がある。This paper re-examines the concept of family/kinship in San studies by analyzing life-stories among the !Xun San living in north-central Namibia. Early researchers, who are now called traditionalists, considered the San to be contemporary hunter-gatherers who provided a key to the reconstruction of primitive forms of human society. They asserted that the Ju|'hoan, the most famous group of San, maintained social order through simple social organizations based on family ties. In the late 1980s, however, San studies reached a significant turning point. A group of researchers, often called revisionists, argued that the San were merely groups of people who had been transformed into an underclass within a larger politico-economic system that included neighboring Bantu agropastoral communities. They considered that membership in a Ju|'hoan kinship group formed the basis of entitlement to land and provided exchange networks for beadwork and other symbolically valued materials. In light of those research trends, study of the !Xun, a group of San living in north-central Namibia, provides a valuable perspective on San studies. Combining all of the following elements, comparison of the !Xun with the Ju|'hoan provides an unparalleled opportunity for intensive regional comparison [BARNARD 1992]: (1) The !Xun language is closely related both genetically and typologically to the Ju|'hoan language. (2) Although several cognate kinship terms are recognized between the !Xun and Ju|'hoan, their kinship and naming systems are also characterized by the following considerable differences: (a) Rather than the well-known homonymous method [MARSHAL 1976], the normal generational method predominates in the use of !Xun kinship terms; (b) the !Xun have a surname system that is passed on by cross-descent, whereas the Ju|'hoan have no such system; and (c) most !Xun individuals hold multiple names, such as the !Xun name, surname, teknonym, nurse name, Hai||om (a San group) name, Owambo name, and Christian name. (3) The Ju|'hoan adopted a nomadic foraging lifestyle in their semi-arid environment, whereas the !Xun have learned a sedentary lifestyle in which members cultivate crops and work for the neighboring Owambo agropastoralists. (4) The Ju|'hoan have remained relatively distant from other peoples until recently, while the !Xun have had multidimensional contacts with powerful authorities, such as the Owambo, colonial governments, and missionaries, for centuries. The following examples of life-stories enable us to examine the interplay between their ethnicity and familial/kin relationships with special reference to the applications of the surname system of !Xun (||'honi), the clan system of Owambo (epata), and the surname system of Hai||om (n!hao): (1) A male born of an Owambo father and a !Xun mother was raised as an Owambo. After his father passed away, however, he moved into a !Xun camp with his mother and siblings and lived as a !Xun, depending on Owambo people. (2) A male with Hai||om parents worked for the Owambo chief with his !Xun colleague for many years and then married a !Xun female. He then moved to a village founded by missionaries, where he was later chosen as the headman of the village's !Xun camp. (3) A !Xun girl born in a !Xun camp was fostered by an Owambo family for more than 10 years. She gave birth to two children, the first with an Owambo classmate and the second with an Owambo ex-soldier. When she was pregnant with her third child, by the Owambo ex-soldier, she went back to the !Xun camp and decided to settle there. The analysis of these examples elucidates the relationships among the ethnic groups living in the area, societal functions of familial/kin ties, and the features of ethnic identity, as follows: (1) Under apartheid regimes, colonial governments tried to facilitate segregation by ethnic group. Contrary to that political (View PDF for the rest of the abstract.